- the former EU ambassador to the United States, John Bruton, who went on to became a senior advisor to Brussels-based lobby consultancy Cabinet DN. Bruton did not inform the Commission of his move and later said he did not know he was supposed to;
- a
former senior Energy Advisor in the Commission, Derek Taylor, who
retired after 25 years, and immediately set up his own energy
consultancy and took several other energy lobby jobs, but only applied
for permission two years later. Despite this breach of rules, the
Commission requested no further details nor imposed any sanctions or
restrictions;
- the Head of Cabinet to Enterprise and Industry Commissioner Verheugen, Petra Erler, set up an EU lobby consultancy with Verheugen immediately after leaving her post, but only applied for permission four months later, noting that she had not been made aware of this requirement. Authorisation was granted, with narrow restrictions, despite the documented disagreement of all staff representatives on an internal advisory committee.
Tuesday, 16 October 2012
Commission's Refusal to Block Revolving Door triggers Ombudsman Complaint
Wednesday, 25 July 2012
Better control of EU revolving door needed
Vincenzo Salvatore was the Head of Legal Service at the European Medicines Agency until June 2012 when he announced that he would be moving to the law firm Sidley Austin to work in their European life sciences regulatory practice. Sidley Austin said that Professor Salvatore would be providing “clients with strategic legal counseling on the EU’s legal process regulating all aspects of the pharmaceutical industry...”, a role for which his time at EMA would undoubtedly have been useful preparation.
Such a senior official as Salvatore is likely to have been aware of the revolving door rules in place at the agency and the need for “officials intending to engage in an occupational activity … [to] inform their institution thereof”. After all, Salvatore was Head of Legal Service when the former director of that agency, Thomas Lönngren, himself went through the revolving door. In that case, EMA only belatedly applied restrictions on Dr Lönngren's new consultancy work.
Professor Salvatore was quoted in the Financial Times on 5 July 2012 as saying: “There is nothing to stop people working in their field of expertise”. Sidley Austin has told Corporate Europe Observatory: "Sidley and Professor Salvatore have followed every procedure required regarding his departure from the EMA. Since we are awaiting the results as the EMA works through its process, it is not appropriate to comment further at this time."
Yet EMA appears to have been caught on the hop by this move. Guido Rasi, the new Executive Director of the European Medicines Agency, told the Financial Times: "I have not approved any post-EMA activities for Vincenzo Salvatore. Before he left the Agency ... he indicated he was intending to work as an independent lawyer and as consultant for some law firms, but without providing any specific details." Rasi went on to say that he has set up a review which will probe possible conflicts of interest arising from this case.
[At the original time of writing, the review had yet to report. Now (6 August 2012) this review has reported back and EMA has imposed several conditions upon Salvatore. You can read all the latest details on this case here.]
Loopholes
An interesting element of the Salvatore case is that he was a contract agent (rather than a permanent official) at EMA and it is clear that there are loopholes in the revolving door rules for contract agents.
Contract agents are only covered by the EU's revolving door rules if they are considered to have had access to “sensitive information” during their time at the EU institution. Of course, as Head of EMA's Legal Service it is hard to see how Professor Salvatore would not have had access to sensitive information during his time at EMA, and so would not be exempt, but this loophole is regularly applied to other EU officials.
Take the case of Darren Ennis. When he left the European External Action Service (EEAS) in summer 2011 for a new job as director at MHP Communications in Brussels, he had, according to the EEAS: “not had access to sensitive information during his time with the European External Action Service and was consequently not deemed subject to the obligation of requesting authorisation to take up an offer from another employer in accordance with Article 16 of the Staff Regulations".
Ennis had only been working for the newly-formed EEAS for a month when he resigned, and so arguably, may not have come into contact with “sensitive information” during this time. However, this is not the whole story.
According to his biography on the MHP website, Ennis was appointed as Catherine Ashton's media and strategic communications advisor not long after her own appointment in December 2009 as EU High Representative of Foreign Affairs and Security. In this role, the website says he had “a key role in developing her narrative for EU foreign policy and helping deliver her political messages to world leaders and media around the globe”. It seems hard to imagine that “sensitive information” was not involved in this work. Yet, Ennis's move to MHP was unregulated and unscrutinised for possible conflicts of interest.
This goes too for the move by Harald Boerekamp from DG ECHO (which handles humanitarian aid and civil protection matters) to Interel European Affairs, one of Brussels largest lobby firms, in May 2012. According to DG ECHO, Boerekamp did not need authorisation to join Interel as he had not had access to sensitive information, even though he had worked at that DG for nearly two years; and had previously been with the Commission’s secretariat general for another year.
Overall, CEO considers that the definition of “sensitive information” needs clarifying and that the revolving door rules should be applied to all contract agents with a policy-making role or any significant working history at an EU institution. CEO also wants to see a cooling-off period of two years for all EU staff entering lobby or lobby advisory jobs, to avoid the risk of conflicts of interest.
Incoming officials
There are other weaknesses in the revolving door rules and the way in which they are implemented. Just as important as the outgoing revolving door – perhaps even more so - is the incoming revolving door, when staff join an EU institution from a job which might provoke a risk of a conflict of interests. The rules governing the incoming revolving door require staff to declare any possible conflicts of interest that they might have related to their present functions as an official.
Marcus Lippold worked for ExxonMobil from 1992 until he joined the Commission to work in a series of oil and energy-related jobs. Originally he was a senior energy economist at DG-TREN (transport and energy), working on oil and coal-related legislation, including European oil upstream and downstream sectors and related refinery products and product markets. In 2009, he led a study assessing the competitive aspects of the oil product markets in the EU 27. His current role is as international relations officer working at DG Energy.
You might assume that an official with a history of working for the oil industry would be scrutinised by the Commission for conflicts of interest if he was undertaking work related to the energy industry. Yet this does not appear to have happened. Based on evidence gathered by CEO via access to documents, it seems that the Commission has not undertaken any assessment of possible conflicts of interest considering Lippold's previous career at ExxonMobil. CEO considers there is a risk of conflicts of interest arising in his current role which the Commission has not recognised, explored or taken any action to prevent.
CEO believes that the current rules are weak in this area and instead of relying on officials to step forward to raise potential conflicts of interest, the institutions themselves should be proactive in scrutinising all incoming staff, including whenever they move to a new job internally.
Flawed
These cases appear to indicate flaws with the EU's current revolving door rules – and it is time for a revamp. All EU bodies should make sure that they have robust rules in place which ensure that all incoming and outgoing staff are scrutinised for potential conflicts of interest and that any necessary restrictions, recusals or cooling-off periods are applied to protect the public interest.
As CEO has said elsewhere, it is time that the revolving door was taken more seriously and that the rules became fit for purpose.
Further information on these and other revolving door cases can be found at CEO's web page RevolvingDoorWatch
Monday, 2 July 2012
The MEP code of conduct: six months on
“The new code of conduct will be a strong shield against unethical behaviour.”
That was the verdict of the then European Parliament President Jerzy Buzek who had just shepherded the new MEP code of conduct through both his own European People's Party (EPP) group and the rest of Parliament. The development of the code followed the cash-for-influence scandal which saw three MEPs disgraced for tabling amendments in return for payment or lucrative second jobs and greater transparency via the new code was supposed to stop MEPs from ending up in the pockets of wealthy lobbyists. The code came into force on 1 January 2012, so six months on – how well has it fared so far?
Not readable, not searchable
At the heart of the code is a new declaration of interest form which MEPs were required to complete by the end of March. The new form asked for much more information about additional income, including from second jobs; membership of boards; shareholdings with public policy implications and other information. Many MEPs are said to have struggled with filling it in by the deadline, and some sought advice from the new advisory committee (made up of five MEPs) about how to do so.
Since then, most if not all MEPs have completed the form, but a statistical overview is not readily available. In fact, scrutiny of these declarations of interest continues to be difficult.
Many are handwritten (which can be hard to read, bordering on illegible); they can be completed in any EU language (which makes them hard to compare); and are not translated and uploaded onto a searchable database as the Alliance for Lobbying Transparency and Ethics Regulation had strongly recommended. Overall, the new forms may include more information than before, but they remain as challenging and time-consuming to scrutinise as ever. But such scrutiny remains incredibly important as there are concerns that some MEPs are not complying with the rules by completing the declarations as fully as they should.
Non-existent scrutiny
In May, Belgian media reported that ex-prime minister and current MEP Jean-Luc Dehaene had stock options granted by AB InBev (where until last year he served on the board) potentially amounting to around three million euros. Friends of the Earth Europe, CEO and other groups immediately wrote to the new President of the Parliament Martin Schulz (Socialist & Democrat) to raise the question of why those stock options were not declared in Mr Dehaene’s declaration of interest dated 27 February 2012. There is also the very serious question of whether, if Mr Dehaene does indeed hold these stock options, of whether they create a risk of a conflict of interest for MEPs who should act independently and in the public interest.
No response has yet been received to this letter but it is understood that Mr Schultz has now met with Mr Dehaene and that the case has been referred to the advisory committee for further investigation.
In this case, it was the media that first raised this issue. The parliamentary authorities have not devoted time to monitor or scrutinise MEPs' declarations or to clarify when things are not understandable (or legible). Instead, the parliamentary authority role seems to have been confined to purely one of administration and uploading the declarations when they receive them.
This is disappointing as codes of conduct do not tend to implement themselves and some proactive action and oversight is required, especially as a new system beds in.
Ex-MEP lobbyists with privileges
CEO has asked the Parliament a series of access to documents requests about how the rules will be implemented and enforced in one specific area ie. the clause in the new code which bans former MEPs from using their life-long Parliament access pass if they are undertaking lobbying activities. It is not clear how many former MEPs go through the revolving door into Brussels lobby jobs, but CEO is aware of a number of recent cases including Erika Mann, John Purvis, Christian Rovsing, Piia-Noora Kauppi and Karin Riis-Jørgensen
CEO had assumed that the new code would mean that former MEPs engaging in lobbying would surrender their lifelong access badge (a perk awarded to all former MEPs when they leave office) at least for the duration of their subsequent lobby activities. Afterall, how else could you effectively enforce this provision in the code? But in fact, that is not how the Parliamentary authorities have interpreted the rules and as a result, it is understood that no former MEP has surrendered their pass. Instead the EP says it is “encouraging former Members engaging in representational activities to apply for [separate] accreditation via the Transparency Register … for the moment additional guidelines for the implementation of [this article] of this Code have not been produced.” It is not known whether any of the former MEPs listed above have accessed the Parliament for lobbying purposes using their life-long pass, but a check shows that none of the above are currently in the EP’s register of lobbyists, the Transparency Register.
Maybe it's too easy to criticise the European Parliamentary authorities for their hands-off approach to implementing the code of conduct for MEPs. Afterall, presumably they take their instructions from MEPs themselves - and perhaps the most shocking development since January has been the way in which senior MEPs have been willing to water-down and undermine the new code.
Gifts under the radar
In May, the Bureau (which is made up of senior MEPs including the parliament's vice presidents and the archaically named 'quaestors') voted to, in effect, weaken the rules regarding what MEPs need to declare when it comes to the receipt of hospitality and gifts. As a result, MEPs would no longer need to declare hospitality such as hotel accommodation received from a third party if it did not exceed a value of €300 per night. Paid travel would also not need to be declared unless it was in business class or first class. Undoubtedly, many EU citizens, who rarely get to travel business class or stay in swanky hotels, would likely be astounded by this move.
Cecilia Wikstrom MEP (Liberal) branded the move as "a complete disgrace" and the decision was the subject of a particularly damning European Voice editorial. The Bureau hid behind its argument that they were simply acting in their role to interpret and implement the rules, but the effect was clear and what they decided was clearly a big step away from the original intention of the code of conduct. The EPP is the largest party in the Bureau, and to add insult to injury, Joseph Daul, the leader of the group in the Parliament later blocked any plenary debate taking place on the Bureau's decision, despite a request from the leaders of the Socialists, Liberals and Greens. MEPs, some of whom have been furious at this development, are now hoping that the Constitutional Affairs committee will take action to overturn the Bureau's decision although that will require plenary support.
Need for vigilance
CEO and other transparency groups welcomed the code of conduct when it came into force six months ago, but since then we have become more and more disheartened about how the parliamentary authorities and some MEPs themselves have responded to it. President Schulz inherited the code; he should take care that under his term of office, it does not morph from Buzek's “shield against unethical behaviour” into a fig leaf behind which unethical behaviour continues, business as usual. This blog was updated on 3 July 2012.
Friday, 1 June 2012
MEPs call for curbs on the revolving door
In recent months, the Parliament has been busy reviewing the Commission's proposal to reform the rules that govern EU officials' terms and conditions. There is a fairly widely-held view amongst the institutions that EU staff must not be excluded from the wider austerity measures which are simultaneously being implemented within member states.
Yet, amongst the proposals for longer working hours and a delayed retirement age, the Commission could also have chosen to tighten up the ethics rules which govern the 50,000+ staff working at the Commission, Parliament, agencies and other EU institutions. Yet the Commission chose to ignore this opportunity when it published its proposal.
Luckily MEPs have been more thoughtful, introducing amendments to better regulate the revolving door, as well as on other important topics such as protecting whistleblowers. These revolving door amendments would ban EU officials from going on a sabbatical to become a lobbyist, as well as introducing a one year cooling-off period to prevent senior officials from becoming lobbyists after they leave office. While these amendments are not perfect, and loopholes would still remain, they are a step in the right direction and encouragingly, were tabled by groups across the political spectrum, including the European People's Party, the Greens and the Liberals. In the latest development, the Legal Affairs committee voted in favour of amendments on this issue.
Now it looks as if the whole proposal for reform of the staff rules will be put on the back-burner as the Council (member states) tries to develop a common position on this dossier. Undoubtedly this is not easy, considering the different approaches to employment rights, wage-setting and austerity across the EU. How the Council will react to the revolving doors amendments is also not clear, but surely it is not inconceivable that amendments aimed at improving ethics and transparency in Brussels would play well with domestic audiences.
What is clear from the evidence collected by the Alliance for Lobbying Transparency and Ethics Regulation (ALTER-EU) and Corporate Europe Observatory (CEO) is that the EU's ethics rules are overdue a revamp. Both ALTER-EU's report and CEO's RevolvingDoorWatch highlight cases where the EU institutions have failed to take the issue of the revolving door seriously, leaving open the risk that officials and former officials will provoke conflicts of interests when they go through the revolving door between the EU institutions and the lobby industry.
Even if it is many months before the new rules are finalised via the tripartite Parliament-Council-Commission process, the EU institutions could do much more right now to effectively implement the revolving door rules that are already in place.
The Commission has told ALTER-EU that its revolving door campaign “shows that in a few cases, former members of staff, in particular contract agents, did not comply with their obligations to inform the Institution in due time [of their new proposed activities, in order to seek approval]. The Commission is therefore willing to continue and increase its awareness-raising activities.
It is good that the Commission finally acknowledges that there are gaps in how staff are informed and reminded of their obligations. CEO has tabled a series of access to documents requests to nine different Commission DGs (directorates) to ask about the briefing materials they provide to staff about how they should handle ethics and potential conflicts of interest. The responses have revealed a very mixed picture. Some DGs wholly rely on the materials that DG Human Resources (the lead DG in this area) provides; others produce their own guides. Ironically, DG Human Resources could learn something from some of these other DGs which appear to provide more detailed explanations of the revolving door rules and how they should be interpreted.
But this is not just about getting staff to apply under the rules. Even more importantly, the Commission should effectively implement the rules when it looks at applications. The Commission has the right to forbid officials from undertaking future work which could provoke a conflict of interest – yet they have chosen to do this only once in the past four years, among more than 340 applications. And with no clear definition in use of what constitutes a conflict of interest, this is perhaps not surprising.
The Commission, and other EU institutions, could usefully look at the US rules where federal officials are banned entirely from 'switching sides' to lobby on the specific issues they worked on and are banned for two years from working on a broader range of issues.
Some might think that all this seems technical, nerdy and bureaucratic - but surely this is a small price to pay to better regulate the revolving door between the EU's 50,000+ staff and Brussels' 15,000+ lobbyists?
Wednesday, 22 February 2012
The diplomatic door-openers
In her Survival guide to EU lobbying Caroline De Cock, an experienced EU lobbyist, calls senior ex-officials who go through the revolving door into commercial lobbying “door-openers” and she writes “They can be of great value, by opening the door to people and offices that would otherwise remain unattainable to your lobbying efforts”.
There can be few more effective door-openers than former European member state diplomats who have been tirelessly working in the Brussels bubble for years, often decades. Representing your country at the EU level brings you into close contact with member state colleagues in the European Council, as well as with senior officials at the Commission and other EU institutions. You can develop an extensive contact book, an insider's knowledge of how the EU system works, as well as the authority and influence which comes from using the title 'Ambassador'.
Take the case of Tibor Kiss, for example who “was instrumental in Hungary's successful accession to the EU and its preparations for hosting the EU Presidency in 2011”. He headed and managed the largest representation of Hungary abroad and “acquired a profound insight into EU policies and institutions, including the challenges of inter-institutional cooperation, political communication and counselling.” He was a diplomat for over 20 years representing Hungary at the European level and in November 2011, he moved to the lobby consultancy PA Europe as a senior policy adviser.
As PA Europe said when he joined them “Through his work in Council and Coreper Ambassador Kiss knows the main dossiers, the leading persons as well as the national and institutional stakeholders’ positions. His personal insights and profound knowledge of the way Brussels works will be a great asset to PA and its clients”.
Or the case of Jean De Ruyt who until recently was Belgium's Ambassador to the EU, including during their 2010 Presidency of the European Council. He was closely involved in Europe’s response to the financial crisis and the resulting legislation at the European level, and he also facilitated the resolution of a variety of state aid and competition policy disputes for Belgian companies. Now he has joined Covington & Burling LLP, a law firm, with a side-line in European advocacy and lobbying.
Upon his appointment, Covington & Burling said: “Jean is a tremendous addition to Covington’s existing government affairs capabilities in Europe and internationally. His knowledge of the European institutions and the complex interplay between EU, UN and US policies and his strategic insights on complex matters are second to none and we are confident his arrival will significantly support our legal team and will be welcomed by many of our clients.”
As former EU ambassadors from member states, the revolving door rules contained in the EU Staff Regulations did not apply to either Ambassador Kiss or Ambassador De Ruyt and this illustrates the need for the European Council and member states to take the revolving door problem seriously and to develop their own rules governing it.
Meanwhile, the UK's own revolving door rules for ministers and for civil servants only cover outgoing civil servants and not incoming. Thus Ivan Rogers who recently joined Prime Minister David Cameron's 10 Downing Street team as adviser on Europe after five years working in the UK finance sector at Barclays Capital and Citigroup, was apparently unregulated under the existing revolving door rules.
By contrast, the EU's own ambassadors overseas are covered by EU staff revolving door rules. So John Bruton, who was EU ambassador to the US for five years until November 2009 did have to apply for permission to join lobby consultancy Cabinet DN and to undertake his various other subsequent external activities. Yet the evidence implies that the Commission is not as proactive as it should be to ensure the rules are followed by its staff and former staff. John Bruton has written on his own website that "Last December [2010] it was brought to my attention by the Commission that, under their rules, I ought to have sought their consent for any professional activities I undertook in the two years after I ceased to be in their employment. I was unaware of this requirement, as it had not been brought to my attention by the Commission either in the discussions that took place before I accepted the post in 2004, or at any time thereafter until December 2010. While I was aware that such requirements applied to former Commissioners, I was not aware that it applied to persons in my position.”
All in all this is a situation which needs to change. These former ambassadors turned lobbyists require effective regulation of their moves through the revolving door, whether they have worked on behalf of the EU or their own member state, in order to prevent the risk of conflicts of interest from occurring. The ball is in the court of the Commission, the European Council and member states themselves to regulate these diplomatic door-openers.
Check out RevolvingDoorWatch to see further evidence of how the EU institutions need to better regulate the revolving door.
The EU institutions are not transparent about the revolving door. If you have information about other revolving door cases, please contact: revolvingdoorwatch@corporateeurope.org
Friday, 10 February 2012
A once in a decade opportunity
You've probably never heard of the 'Staff Regulations of Officials of the European Communities' but this 150-page tome and its associated annexes constitute 'The Bible' of terms of conditions for the 50,000 plus staff who work across the EU institutions and agencies. It also sets out the ethical obligations for staff including around confidentiality and handling conflicts of interest.
This document is currently the subject of a heated debate between staff trade unions and the Commission as it is up for review, and both the Council and the Commission want to see European officials sharing the austerity being experienced across the member states.
Just before Christmas, the Commission published its proposals for reforming the Staff Regulations. It wants staff levels to be cut by five per cent, staff to work a longer week, the retirement age to be extended, and some lower-ranked staff to receive a reduced salary. Not surprisingly, staff trade unions have a lot to say about this agenda, on behalf of their members. And while the stereotype of a bloated Brussels bureaucracy needing to be cut down to size might play well in the right-wing media, the Commission's 30,000 staff is actually smaller than some member states' government departments. Compared to the wide range of lawmaking and policy-making tasks which the Commission has been given, the number of staff is even on the low side.
Aside from the thorny debate about staff terms and conditions, the Staff Regulations are a crucial document as they contain ethics rules governing staff conduct during and after they leave office. Evidence from the Alliance for Lobbying Transparency and Ethics Regulation (ALTER-EU) and Corporate Europe Observatory show that some of these rules are not well-known, well-followed or well-implemented.
This is particularly true for the rules governing the revolving door, when officials leave public office and join the Brussels lobby industry, or when lobbyists become public officials. The revolving door is at the heart of the close relationship between the EU institutions and big business, and the rules that are currently in place contain weaknesses, loopholes and to often appear to be ignored entirely.
For example, temporary officials (sometimes working for several years) at an EU institution are not automatically covered by the rules (see the case of Marten Westrup); there is no ban on officials moving directly into lobby jobs (see the cases of Mogens Peter Carl, Bruno Dethomas, Jean-Philippe Monod de Froideville); and there is culture of sanctioning breaches in the rules (see the cases of John Bruton and Derek Taylor). Additionally, EU staff can take a sabbatical and there is no outright ban on them becoming lobbyists or senior industry leaders during that period (see the case of Magnus Ovilius).
Now all eyes are on the Parliament, specifically the Legal Affairs or JURI committee, as it considers the Commission's proposal to reform the Staff Regulations. This could provide a once-in-10-years opportunity to tighten the revolving door rules.
And during these times of high unemployment across Europe, of austerity, of radical wage cuts in many sectors and countries, of falling support for the idea of the EU and the EU institutions, it can surely be no bad thing to overhaul the rules around ethical conduct of public office to ensure the highest standards, decision-making in the public (not private) interest, and the elimination of the risk of conflicts of interest.
Hopefully EU officials themselves will agree on the need for the highest levels of ethical conduct. As welcome support, the biggest Commission staff union published a statement in their December 2011 magazine to say that “L’USF exige une réglementation du passage des hauts fonctionnaires, commissaires et parlementaires du service public européen au secteur privé afin d’éviter les conflits d’intérêts contraires aux intérêts des citoyens européens” (“The USF demands that senior officials, commissioners and MEPs who move from serving the European public interest to the private sector are subject to rules, so as to avoid conflicts of interest contrary to the interests of European citizens”).
ALTER-EU and CEO agree. The Parliament has a unique opportunity to consider this issue and to tackle apparent Commission complaisance about staff ethics. We hope it will accept this challenge.
This blog has also been published by the Social Europe Journal.
